Author: Alf Thompson, Earl of Northampton's Regiment

Orders of the Day, Volume 35, Issue 3, June/July 2003

Prologue

During the early months of the Civil War Birmingham, Coventry, Warwick and Derby were quickly secured for Parliament. Stratford-upon-Avon fell to the rebels in February 1643 and on 5th March the Royalist Earl of Chesterfield surrendered Lichfield to Sir John Gell. Parliament had summoned the infamous Gell to reinforce and command the besieging Parliamentary force following the death of Lord Brooke, who was shot through the eye by a musket ball when commanding his forces in the Cathedral Close at Lichfield. Brooke’s troops were reformed and Gell inherited elements of Brooke's horse (reformadoes).

The death of Brooke was a fortuitous piece of fate for the self-seeking fortune hunter Sir John Gell, who has been vilified by Royalists and Parliamentarians alike for his self-ingratiating ambitions. His mission to secure wealth and status on the crippled back of civil strife was scorned by friend and foe.

Gell was the product of a Derbyshire lead-mining family; a man who overtly despised the feudal authority of the old order, whilst covertly envying the power which he sought as a master of the new order. It is well documented that his aspirations knew no bounds and that he was both ruthless and vindictive. Whatever his misgivings, he was a good servant of Parliament throughout the first Civil War, and by contemporary standards a good soldier and an adequate commander. There is also evidence to suggest he was as brave as he was spiteful.

Events Preceding the Battle

The King had sent orders to the Earl of Northampton (Spencer Compton, the 2nd Earl) to lead a relief force out of Banbury Castle to support the Royalist Garrison at Lichfield. However it was too late, but not too late for Stafford. Royalist intelligence had provided reliable reports that Stafford was next on the Parliamentary agenda. Sir William Brereton, Commander of the Parliamentary forces in Cheshire, had sent correspondence from Nantwich to Gell at Lichfield, requesting him to combine forces for an assault on Stafford. By taking Stafford, Parliament could forge a territorial chain across the Midlands. Gell was only too pleased to oblige and agreed to muster with Brereton at Hopton Heath, only three miles north of Stafford. The rendezvous point was accessible to Brereton's route from Nantwich.

Meanwhile the Earl of Northampton, who was too late to relieve Lichfield, was well aware of the rebel plans. He reached Stafford on or around 16th March 1643, and set about beating up rebel quarters in the vicinity. Accounts suggest that in a couple of days he had taken over 100 prisoners and captured valuable supplies. Northampton left Banbury Castle with a force of approximately 1200 men, 1100 of which were horse (cavalry and dragoons), plus a small unit of 100 foot.

He commanded his own cavalry and dragoons and was supported by the Prince of Wales’ horse and troops of horse led by the swashbuckling and daring Sir Henry Hastings (later Lord Loughborough). Other senior officers included his own son, Sir James Lord Compton (later 3rd Earl of Northampton), who was knighted for gallantry at Edgehill, and the brave but reckless Sir Thomas Byron.

Spencer Compton was a veteran of the Continental Wars and a life-long friend of the King. He had the King's trust and expectations that he would secure Stafford. The Royalists could not afford to lose further territorial loss in the Midlands and it was his prime goal to destroy the rebel force and its plans. Northampton had an offensive field force of horse so it was important that he 'headed the rebels off at the pass', so to speak, rather than take up defensive positions around the county town. He did not know exactly where the combined forces of Gell and Brereton would meet, but he knew a battle was imminent.

Prelude to the Battle

Hopton Heath is some three miles north of Stafford on the south bank of the River Trent, on terrain of open rough pasture between the villages of Salt to the north and Hopton to the south. To the east of the Heath was a walled deer park and on the western side lay arable farmland with ditches and hedgerows separating the Heath from the cultivated hay fields. At the narrowest point of the Heath ran a ridge between the enclosures to the east and west, forming a bottleneck of strategic advantage. Gell had marched north out of Lichfield on the route of what is now the A51. He crossed the Trent at the village of Weston and began to take up position on the high ground of the Heath on the morning of 19th March 1643. Gell was to await the arrival of Brereton. Word had by now been sent to Northampton who was at a church service in St Mary's, Stafford. Whilst Northampton was mustering his force from scattered quarters and billets in and around Stafford, Brereton arrived on the Heath at approximately 2.00pm, but unfortunately haste had caused him to leave his infantry miles behind. Brereton took command of the horse and Gell the foot. They had strategic and tactical advantage by the time Northampton arrived at 3.00pm.

The rebels had formed up on the ridge and to the east and west of the Heath had set up flanking breastworks in the hedgerows of the hay fields and behind the walls of the deer park. Eight field pieces (drakes) plus companies of dragoons had been deployed to set up what would have been a lethal crossfire. Gell had with him 400-500 horse made up of Brooke’s Reformadoes, Gresley's Troop and Rugelys's Troop. His foot consisted of 500 Derbyshire Grey Coats, who were seasoned soldiers, and 500 inexperienced and ill-equipped Staffordshire foot (Moorlanders). Brereton brought with him 500 horse (cavalry and dragoons).

The flanks had been deployed and the main body formed up across the ridge, which was further protected by a rabbit warren that spanned the ridge. Gell placed his remaining cannon in the centre of the formation and Brereton formed a wing of horse. Gell placed the untrained Moorlanders in reserve and all in all it looked like Parliament had a very strong position.

The rebels had a total of 2000-2200 in the field as battle commenced with Brereton's foot still to arrive. Technically Gell and Brereton had all the advantages of terrain and deployment. Had Northampton charged the ridge by way of a frontal assault, his horse would have been cut to pieces by cannonades and musket fire from three sides, butchered in a devastating crossfire. The killing field had been set and Parliament waited for Northampton to step into the trap. Northampton began to form up on the lower slope of the Heath at about 3.00pm. He had with him a few field pieces from the Stafford Garrison; one notable gun was a 29lb demi-cannon 'Roaring Meg' (later captured by Parliament when Stafford eventually fell).

The Battle

But Northampton did not fall into the trap. Instead he deployed his dragoons to clear the flanks of the breastworks whilst his cannon played upon the ridge. This was still an early stage in the war when the Royalist horse held the upper hand. Certainly Northampton had with him a formidable array of gallant cavaliers. His seasoned dragoons managed to take both flanks of the field with few casualties whilst the rebels suffered severe losses. Furthermore his manoeuvre resulted in not only clearing the flanks completely, it resulted in the capture of at least eight cannon. As Northampton's dragoons set about their victorious work, the Royalist cannon began to cause havoc on the ridge. Contemporary accounts record that the first blast from 'Roaring Meg' killed six rebels and injured four. The second retort cut such a swathe through the rebel ranks that the gap was never filled. Northampton released his cavalry, who were too much of a match for Brereton's horse and Brereton fled the field, taking the remnants of his horse with him. This was an uncommon action for Brereton, but one for which Gell never forgave him.

The rebel flanks had been destroyed; Brereton's cavalry scattered and the main body of rebels on the ridge were disordered by cannon fire. The Moorlanders held in reserve fled the field and it was almost a complete rout until Gell took a gallant and brave action. At the very point of annihilation he dismounted and joined his infantry. Sir George Gresley's account talks of Gell stopping a rout by word and deed. His pike had gone to advance to leave the field and he knocked their points down again. Gell brought order to the chaos by reforming his Grey Coats into coherent defensive formations against attacks from the Royalist horse. The Derbyshire Foot were now joined by 250 of Brereton's Cheshire Foot who made a timely arrival on the field. We do not know what formation Gell commanded on the ridge, only that it was essentially a shot and pike deployment to receive cavalry. Though Brooke's Reformadoes had remained, what followed was an infantry-versus-horse confrontation. The Royalist horse charged en masse on at least four occasions. Each time Gell's troops held their ground and fired devastating volleys into the charging Royalists, who reached the line each time only to wheel away as they fell upon the rebel pikes.

In either the first or second charges Northampton was killed. His son, Lord James Compton (now the 3rd Earl) was wounded, as was Sir Thomas Byron. The Royalists had lost a number of officers including Captain Middleton. Sir Henry Hastings led the fourth charge and then decided that further attempts at breaking the rebel formation would be foolhardy (if it was Hastings left in command then it must have been high risk, because he had a reputation for going where angels feared to tread). As the day drew to a close the Royalists retreated to the low ground on the Heath. Gell and his forces remained on the ridge, but withdrew towards Uttoxeter during the night. Although the battle concluded in a stalemate, Parliament could at least take pride in the avoidance of a rout; for the Royalists it was a 'technical knock-out'. They had saved Stafford and on doing so inflicted some 500 casualties on the rebels, took all the baggage and captured eight cannon. In turn, they lost 50 men; the rebels claimed that of these most were officers and gentry. The Royalists for their part made the cutting observation that Parliament lost few officers due to their leading from the rear.

The Death of Northampton

Accounts differ on the exact nature of Spencer Compton's death. It has to be said that any true record must be an account from the Parliamentarians, as no Royalists were around when he was killed. How he got to be surrounded by the rebels is a mystery, especially the fact that he was isolated. Was he knocked off his horse, or was his horse shot from underneath him? What we do know is that he died fighting on foot, surrounded by rebel infantry. One possibility is that on wheeling away from the charge he was dismounted and that his troop of horse retreated to reform, leaving him surrounded in front of the Parliamentary line which quickly closed in on him.

However he could have easily broken through the front ranks and then been caught in a melee of rebel foot. Another possibility for the romantics is that he ‘did a Richard III’ and targeted Gell. This is possible, since one account records Gell receiving a neck wound 'inflicted by Northampton'. Most sources agree in that his helmet was knocked off by a musket butt.

Whilst on foot, Northampton killed a rebel officer and a number of ordinary soldiers prior to being completely surrounded. He was given the option of quarter, but refused with the famous dying words “I take no quarter from such base rogues and rebels as you are”. Having refused quarter he was struck on the head from the rear by a halberd. He was also struck in the face and some accounts suggest the use of musket butts as further mortal blows. Whether Northampton actually said the dying words we can only fancy, but from what we know of the man it is certainly in keeping with his character.

Aftermath - 'Gell Buries Chivalry'

As Gell stole away during the night, he also stole Northampton's body, taking it from the field as a bargaining tool. The young James Compton, now 3rd Earl of Northampton, sent a trumpeter to Gell at Uttoxeter requesting his father's body. Gell refused and sent the trumpeter away with the reply that he would exchange the dead body for the eight captured cannon. Compton refused, as the cannon belonged to the King and not him personally. He had given a chivalrous response and believed Gell would act honourably and return his father's dead body without the indignity of bargaining, but this was not to be so.

Gell then perpetrated one of the most despicable and unchivalrous acts of the whole Civil War: he had the dead Earl stripped naked and the body slung over the back of a horse. He transported the body to Derby and paraded his grotesque trophy around the town, blood-stained and stinking. Gell kept the decomposing body unburied, demanding the Royalists pay for the embalming and burial. Eventually the Earl was laid to rest in the Cavendish Tomb at Derby Parish Church. On hearing of such bestial behaviour to a life-long friend and gallant Earl, the King placed a warrant on Gell's head.

In April 1643 Prince Rupert took Lichfield and in May Brereton captured Stafford. The irony in relation to Stafford is that Brereton sneaked his army into the town under the cover of darkness and without a fight took a prize for which a brave Royalist fought, died and suffered indignity. Such was the madness of the English Civil War.

Northampton's Memory Betrayed

Sir John Gell had performed a functional service for Parliament throughout the First Civil War; however, he had made enemies of prominent Parliamentarians, including Fairfax. His Machiavellian and autocratic style was to the fore in a series of events in which he attempted to secure a power base through political manipulation. Towards the end of the war he was accused and found guilty of corruption and abuse of power, i.e. disobeying orders, unlawful imprisonment, and misappropriation of funds (essentially public monies to pay the army). Furthermore he was accused of a scandalous lifestyle and various profanities worthy of a 'Cavalier' but not of a 'Godly Parliamentarian'. He was fined and received no compensation for his losses during the campaign. He was stripped of all rank and was left a very bitter rebel indeed. He attempted to reverse decisions and fought to reinstate his status and wealth, but his campaign was in vain as he had made too many enemies in the new order.

Having failed to use the civil strife for his own ends, Gell now demonstrated that integrity and loyalty were lacking in his personality. He was implicated in the Second Civil War by writing to the King, imprisoned on the Isle of Wight, promising both support and money to raise a second war against Parliament. It appears the King conveniently forgot that this was the man he had served a death warrant on for the unchivalrous treatment of the Earl of Northampton. The memory of Spencer Compton was ill served by the disloyalty of his King. Gell was caught in the act and evidence was produced that resulted in him being tried and sentenced for treason against the Commonwealth. He served approximately three years in the Tower before being released on a petition of ill health. On the restoration of Charles II he was fully pardoned and his estates restored on the grounds that he had ultimately supported the late King and been penalised for it. Furthermore, he had covertly supported the restoration. Gell had been exonerated for his infamous actions during the 1st Civil War. The fickle Stuarts did not make him pay for his war crimes; maybe God was less forgiving. Spencer Compton gave all for the King's cause, but the expediency of kingship betrayed his loyalty. Such is the shame of a civil war.

This article was originally written for the muster at Uttoxeter, since cancelled, for which the Battle of Hopton Heath was to be used as a script theme. I recommend reading the publications of Brian Stone, Ray Sherwood and Andrew Polkey who have over the past decade made a scholarly study of the English Civil War in the Midlands and Trent Valley.